
Abbie on Student Activism
In April, 1989, Abbie Hoffman's life
suddenly ended. More likely a government murder than a suicide (according
to our conversations with someone very close to him), Abbie's death
reminds us that Big Brother never forgets. Abbie was a brilliant,
bold human who forced America, and the occupational government based
in Washington, to face its hypocrisy. Long live the real America and
the Yippie tradition.
REFLECTIONS ON STUDENT ACTIVISM (1988)
By Abbie Hoffman
Speech to the first National Student Convention, Rutgers
University, February 6, 1988.
I guess you can't see my
button. It says, "I fought tuition." It's a two- button set, actually.
The second button says, "And tuition won."
You should know that more than 650 students
have registered as delegates here, representing over 130 different
schools. You have come despite freezing weather and hard economic
times to do something that I'm not sure anyone here is ready yet
to comprehend. I am absolutely convinced that you are making history
just by being here. You are proving that the image of the American
college student as a career-interested, marriage- interested, self-centered
yuppie is absolutely outdated, that a new age is on the rise, a
new college student.
There's been a lot of talk about comparing
today to what went on in the sixties. I would remind you that in
1960, when we started the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
to fight in the South in the civil rights movement, less than 30
people came together to begin it. The famous Students for a Democratic
Society, which we're all reading about, was formed in 1962 with
exactly 59 people. No one before has done anything this bold, imaginative,
creative, and daring to bring together this many different strains
of people, who all believe in radical change in our society. It
is just an amazing feat. And I wish you the best of luck today,
and especially tomorrow, when you have to decide whether to go forward
or backward. I'd also like to take this moment to salute our glorious
actor-in- chief: Happy Birthday Ronald Reagan! I don't believe anyone
in here believes it's "Good morning in America" tonight.
I have a lot of speeches in my head: On
the CIA, urine testing, nuclear power, saving water: that's my local
battle. We're fighting the Philadel- phia Electric Company's attempt
to steal the waters of the Delaware River for yet another nuclear
plant. A local battle? I don't know. One out of ten Americans drink
from that river. I also speak on the modern history of student protest
and on Central America, where I've been five times. Every time I
get before a microphone I'm extremely nervous that chromosome damage
and Alzheimer's will take their toll. I'll come out foaming at the
mouth, accusing the CIA of pissing in the nuclear plants, to poison
the water, to burn out the minds of youth, so they'll be easy cannon
fodder for the Pentagon's war in Central America. Actually, that's
probably not a bad speech.
On Tuesday I had to give a speech at the
local grammar school to nine- year-olds. I said, "Go ahead, pick
any subject you want." They wanted to hear about hippies. My 16-year-old
kid, America, heard me give this speech about how you can't have
political and social change without cultural change as well, and
he said, "Daddy, you're not gonna bring back the hippies, are you?
The hippies go to Van Halen concerts, get drunk, throw up on their
sweatshirts and beat up all the punks in town." I said, "Okay, no
hippies." That was last year, this year he's changed his mind. His
mother and I were activists in the sixties, and he heard all the
anti-war stories over and over again, never believed any of it.
Then one night last spring he saw the documentary "Twenty Years
Ago Today" about the effect of the Beatles' Sergeant Peppers Lonely
Hearts Club Band on us all. It's about the only thing I'm ever going
to recommend to anybody about the sixties, a simply brilliant documentary.
He sat there watching cops fight with young people in the streets,
people put flowers at the Pentagon in the soldiers' bayonets, and
the Pentagon rise in the air, he saw it move just like we said it
did.
Tears came streaming out of his eyes,
and he called up and said, "Daddy, why was I born now? I should
have been a hippie."
When I went to college long ago there
was a ritual that we all had to go through at freshman induction.
We were herded into a big room and the dean of admissions came and
gave us a famous speech, "Look to your right, look to your left,
one of you three won't be here in four years when it comes time
to graduate." I'm going to say to you, "Look to your right, look
to your left, two of you three aren't going to be here in four years."
That's about the attrition rate of the Left. I'm sure that many
of the people who want to organize interplanetary space connections
have got everything worked out with Shirley MacLaine, and it's okay
with me that they become moonies and yuppies and then born-again
Mormons. They're not the ones that keep me up at night. But I worry
about the good organizers, the successful organizers. You're the
ones who know that you can actually get better at this, that you
can get good at it. You know that being on the side of the angels,
being right, isn't enough. To succeed you also have to work very
hard with lots of cooperation from those around you. You have to
have your wits about you continuously, show up on time, and follow
through. These are the things that take place behind the scenes
that keep you aimed at a goal, at victory, at success. And I worry
because somehow on the Left, all too often, it's like three people
in a phone booth trying to get out. Two are really trying to kick
the third one out, and that's how they spend all their time. The
third one's always called some dirty name that ends in an "ist."
It's been a movement that devours its own. I look out at you and
I think of my comrades, not the people you saw in The Big Chill,
but people that were great movement organizers. You know some of
their names and many others you don't know. They risked not just
their careers, marriage plans and ostracism from their family, but
their lives. They faced mobs with chains and brass knuckles, the
clubs of the police, the dirty tricks and infiltrations of the FBI,
the CIA, Army intelligence, Navy intelligence, and local red squads
all around the country. They had pressure put on their families.
They were prepared for all of this from the moment they decided
to go against the grain and take on the powers that be. They were
not prepared for the infighting. They were not prepared for a movement
that devours itself. That has got to cease. I remember a very free
and open democratic meeting in a room in New York City in 1971.
All the various strains were there. There was one group that disagreed
with the decision- making structure that had been set up. They wanted
to settle their differences with the majority so they came armed
with baseball bats. I can't remember the group's name - it was The
National Labor Committee or Caucus - but I do remember the name
of its leader, Lynn Marcus, better known today as Lyndon LaRouche.
The movement has had its share of other
problems. We are too issue- oriented and not practical enough. We
debate issues endlessly, deciding whose issue is more important
than whose other issue, and so letting the moment of opportunity
in history pass. By that time there's another issue there that's
outstripped the other two. We debate which "ism" is more important
than which other "ism," and I agree that all the isms lead to schisms
which lead to wasms. We need a new language as we enter the next
century.
We need to be rid of false dichotomies.
There's been a big discussion going on for the last couple of days
here about whether the organizing focus should be local, regional,
national or interplanetary. I have never seen a national issue won
that wasn't based on grassroots organizing and support. On the other
hand, I have never ever seen a local issue won that didn't rely
on outside support and outside agitators. Another false dichotomy
is one that I call "In the System/out of the System." Between inside
the system and outside it is a semipermeable membrane. And either-or
is only a metaphysical question, not a practical one. The correct
stance, especially now in these times, is one foot in the street
- the foot of courage, that gets off the curbstone of indifference
- and one foot in the system - the intelligent foot, the one that
learns how to develop strategies, to build coalitions, to negotiate
differences, to raise money, to do mailing lists, to make use of
the electronic media. You need that foot, too. The brave foot goes
out into the street to strike out against the enculturation process
that says: "Stay indoors," "Don't go out in the street," "There's
crime in the street," "It's bad in the street," "You lose your job
in the street," "You'll be homeless," "It's terrible," '.'Yecch."
Civil disobedience - blocking trucks, digging up the soil, occupying
buildings, chaining yourself to fences (I spent my summer vacation
chained to a fence) - can be a necessary act of courage, but it
doesn't take a hell of a lot of brains.
Decision making has been a problem on
the Left. In the sixties we always made decisions by consensus.
By 1970, when you had 15 people show up and three were FBI agents
and six were schizophrenics, universal agreement was getting to
be a problem. I call it "The Curse of Consensus Decision Making,"
because in the end consensus decision making is rule of the minority:
the easiest form to manipulate, the easiest way to block any real
decision making. Trying to get everyone to agree takes forever.
Usually the people are broke, without alternatives, with no new
language, just competing to see who can burn the shit out of the
other the most. There must be a spirit of agreement and in this
way most decisions are made by consensus, but there must also be
a format whereby you can express your differences. The democratic
parliamentary procedure - majority rule - is the toughest to stack,
because in order to really get your point across you've got to get
cooperation, and to go out and get more people to come in to have
those votes the next time around.
My vision of America is not as cheery
and optimistic as it might be. I agree with Charles Dickens, "These
are the worst of times, these are the worst of times." Look at the
institutions around us. Financial institutions, bankrupt; religious
institutions, immoral; communications institutions don't communicate;
educational institutions don't educate. A poll yesterday showed
that 489o of Americans want someone else to run than the current
candidates. The last election in 1987 had the lowest turnout since
1942. There are people that say to a gathering such as this - students
taking their proper role in the front lines of social change in
America, fighting for peace and justice - that this is not the time.
This is not the time7 You could never have had a better time in
history than right now.
My fingers are crossed because I hope
that you won't let the internal differences divide you. I hope that
you'll be able to focus on the real enemies that are out there.
In the late sixties we were so fed up we wanted to destroy it all.
That's when we changed the name of America and stuck in the "k."
The mood today is different, and the language that will respond
to today's mood will be different. Things are so deteriorated in
this society, that it's not up to you to destroy America, it's up
to you to go out and save America. The same impulse that helped
us fight our way out of one empire 200 years ago must help us get
free of the Holy Financial Empire today. The transnationals - with
their money in Switzerland, headquarters in Luxembourg, ships in
tax-free Panama, natural resources all over the emerging world,
and their sleepy consumers in the United States - do not have the
interest of the United States at heart. Ronald Reagan and the CIA
are traitors to America, they have sold it to the Holy Financial
Empire. The enemy is out there, he s not in this room. People are
allowed to have different visions and different views, but you have
to have unity.
You also have to communicate a message
and to do that you need a medium. We know television as the boob
tube. We know educational television is an oxymoron, a contradiction
in terms. We know it from reading fake intellectuals like Alan Bloom
and his Closing of the American Mind, or from reading good ones
like Neil Postman, whose Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse
in the A8e of Showbiz is a wonderful book. Bloom wants us to shut
off the t.v. and start reading the Bible, and Postman just wants
us to shut off the t.v. They are critics of t.v., but they are not
organizers. A lot of people say, Abbie, you just perform for the
media, that's your duty, you manipulate, a lot of things like that.
This is a misconception. I have never in my life done anything for
the media. I m speaking to you through a microphone because my voice
is soft, and I couldn't reach all of you unless I used it. That's
why I use the microphone. But my words are not for this goddamn
microphone. If you want to reach hundreds of thousands or millions
of people, you have to use the media and television. Television
has an immense impact on our lives. We don't read, we just look
at things. We don t gather information in an intellectual way, we
just want to keep in touch.
As bad as it is, television has the ability
to penetrate our fantasy world. That s why the images are at first
quick and action-packed, very short, very limited and very specific,
and afterward vague, blurry, and distorted. How can these images
not be very important? They determine our view of the world. We
in New England would not have known there was a civil rights movement
in the South. We would not have known racism existed, that blacks
were getting lynched, that blacks were not getting service at a
Woolworth counter, if it hadn t been for television. We weren't
taught it in our schools or churches. We had to see it and feel
it with our eyes. You have to use that medium to get across the
image that students have changed. You have to show it to them. Let
the world watch, just like we watch students in the Gaza strip fight
for their freedom and justice, students in Johannesburg, in E1 Salvador,
in Central America, in the Philipines fight for their freedom.
One hundred and thirty schools represented
here today out of 5,000 colleges and universities in America reminds
us that going against the grain at the University of South Dakota
or Louisiana State is a very tough, lonely job. You have to feel
that you're part of something bigger. You want to know that there's
a movement out there. That's where the role of a national student
organization becomes so important, giving hope and comfort to people
that are out there trying to make change at a grassroots level.
The student movement is a global movement.
It is always the young that make the change. You don't get these
ideas when you're middle-aged. Young people have daring, creativity,
imagination and personal computers. Above all, what you have as
young people that's vitally needed to make social change, is impatience.
You want it to happen now. There have to be enough people that say,
"We want it now, in our lifetime. " We want to see apartheid in
South Africa come down right now. We want to see the war in Central
America stop right now. We want the CIA off our campus right now.
We want an end to sexual harassment in our communities right now.
This is your moment. This is your opportunity.
Be adventurists in the sense of being
bold and daring. Be opportunists and seize this opportunity, this
moment in history, to go out and save our country. It's your turn
now. Thank you.
Copyright 1989 by Abbie Hoffman
From "The Best of Abbie Hoffman", published by Four Walls Eight
Windows, NY, NY
BACK TO TOP
|